Mass Media And Society James Curran Pdf
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Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, London: Goldsmiths Press,
Qty :. Media and Society is an established textbook, popular worldwide for its insightful and accessible essays from leading international academics on the most pertinent issues in the media field today. With this updated edition, David Hesmondhalgh joins James Curran and a team of leading international scholars to speak to current issues relating to media and gender, media and democracy, sociology of news, the global internet, the political impact of the media, popular culture, the effects of digitisation on media industries, media and emotion, and other vital topics. The media are in a state of ferment, and are undergoing far-reaching change. The sixth edition tries to make sense of the media's transformation, and its wider implications.
James Curran Media and Democracy Routledge
He has authored and edited numerous books, including Power without Responsibility seventh edition, with Jean Seaton, , Media and Society ifth edition, and Media and Power Communication and Society Series Editor: James Curran This series encompasses the broad ield of media and cultural studies.
Its main concerns are the media and the public sphere: whether the media empower or fail to empower popular forces in society; media organizations and public policy; polit- ical communication; and the role of media entertainment, ranging from potboilers and the human interest story to rock music and TV sport.
Daniel C. Hackett and William K. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identiication and explanation without intent to infringe. Mass media—Political aspects. Communication in politics. C85 Iyengar, A. Lund and I. Salovaara-Moring ; Chapter 4: J. Curran ed. Fenton ed.
Witschge ; Chapter 6: N. Bailey ed. Boyce, J. Curran and P. Christian ed. Curran and D. Save for the two co-authored essays, they have been revised for publication in this book. Introduction This book was commissioned as a collection of case studies, to follow my irst volume of overview essays reappraising bodies of literature concerned with diferent aspects of media and power.
This prompted me to reconceive this book as a more ambitious project. Eight essays Chapters 1—8 have been written for it, leaving me with the problem of deciding which of the residue of earlier published essays I should select. The ones that survive the resulting cull include two Chapters 10 and 11 that disappeared into a black hole of obscurity, virtually unread, in preference to more obvious choices including one anthologised in four books and another cited in over publica- tions.
I thought that I would give these two disregarded essays a second chance. Media and democracy is one of the most intensively ploughed areas in media studies, resulting in a number of good books. So my point of departure has been to look concretely at the democratic functioning of the media in diferent contexts, beginning with America.
The design of the American news media system is based on two assumptions. If the media are to be free from government, they have to be organised as a market, not a state, system; and if they are to serve fully democ- racy, they should be stafed by professionals seeking to be accurate, impartial and informative.
The allure of this system, the soft power of its global attraction, is brought out in the opening chapter by contrasting the ideals and achievements of American journalism with the limitations of journalism in other countries, exem- pliied by cowed journalism in numerous authoritarian states, the fusion of media and political power in Italy and the irresponsibility of tabloid journalism in Britain. This is followed by a chapter that takes a closer look at American news media. The shining city on the hill turns out to be less luminous when viewed from the inside.
There is compelling evidence that American news reporting is, in some contexts, only semi-independent of government. As the principal vehicle of costly, almost unregulated political advertising, American television also plays a pivotal role in sustaining the money-driven nature of American politics. These links between media and politics in America go largely unnoticed in the standard comparative map of media systems, whose validity is questioned.
The irst two chapters thus laud and criticise American journalism. Television in Scandinavian countries pays more attention to political and international news than does American television, which is one reason why Scandinavians are much better informed about these topics than Americans with the British falling in between. Television in Denmark and Finland and, to a lesser extent, Britain also broadcasts more news at peak times than in America.
This encourages greater inadvertent viewing of the news, contrib- uting to a smaller knowledge gap between advantaged and disadvantaged groups. In short, Europeans are better informed about politics and international afairs partly because they are better briefed about these topics by their public-service television systems than are Americans by their more consumer-orientated television system though there are additional, more important societal reasons as well.
More generally, the central argument mobilised in Chapter 3 — that hard news is being crowded out by entertainment in market-driven media — seems blind to the political meanings embedded in entertainment, which researchers in cultural and ilm studies take almost for granted. Chapter 4 acknowledges the full force of the argument that media entertainment connects to the democratic life of society. It explores the way in which ilm and TV drama facilitate a debate about social values that underpin politics; enable an exploration of social identity closely linked to a sense of self- and group interest central to politics ; ofer contrasting interpretations of society; and contribute to a normative debate about our common social processes — about how they are and how they should be.
Thus, the television series 24 provided a catalyst for a national debate in the US about whether state torture was acceptable, while Sex and the City supported a collective conversation about the role and expectations of women at a time of rapid transition in gender relations. But although entertainment fuels democratic debate, a distinction needs to be made between iction and journalism.
This is because citizens need to be informed about important, real-life actions taken by their government — especially if this entails visiting death on another country. That more than a third of Americans thought in that Iraq had weapons of mass destruction or a major programme for developing them at the time of the invasion, or that nearly half believed that Iraq was heavily implicated in the September 11 attacks, is an indictment of a society rendered politically under- informed by its dependence on a diet of entertainment.
A democracy needs to be properly briefed to be efectively self-governing. Introduction 3 If media democratic theory needs to take account of the rise of mass entertain- ment, another necessary adjustment is to come to terms with increased globalisa- tion. Global economic forces are rendering national government less efective than it used to be, and are in this sense diminishing democratic power.
This is leading to attempts to build a multi-tiered system of governance, from the nation state upwards, which is seeking in efect to repair democracy in a global age. The evolu- tion of the news media — still very heavily centred on the nation — is lagging behind this transition and making democratic repair more diicult.
Much theorising about the democratic role of the media is conceived solely in terms of serving the needs of the individual voter. But democracy consists not just of government and citizens, but also of a large number of intermediate organisa- tions from political parties to public-interest groups. Attention needs to be given to how media systems should best support this infrastructure of democracy. This leads logically, it is argued, to recognising that diferent kinds of journalism — not just the disinterested, objective, factual model upheld in American journalism schools — can usefully contribute diferent things to the functioning of democracy.
Media and technology is the second node of this book. Chapter 5, co-authored with Tamara Witschge, explores this theme by investigating a distinguished e-zine, openDemocracy, which gained an international audience in the wake of the September 11 attacks. The development of this web- based magazine illustrates the ways in which the Internet can facilitate innovative journalism.
But it also points to the way in which the web is constrained by its context and time. Contributors were overwhelm- ingly men, relecting the cultural inheritance of unequal gender participation in political life. And they were mostly from elite backgrounds, because knowledge, luency and time are unequally distributed in the external world, though this was exacerbated by the editorial values of the magazine. And despite gaining a substan- tial audience approaching half a million visits a month at its peak , the e-zine failed to generate any signiicant revenue.
The absence of a substantial stream of adver- tising and subscription revenue is limiting the development of independent web- based international journalism and its capacity to build genuinely global networks of communication without some form of subsidy. Chapter 6 looks at what was foretold in relation to British cable television, interactive digital television, community television and the dotcom boom — and what actually transpired.
Forecasts were repeatedly, wildly wrong. In most cases, they originated from the business interests promoting new technological applica- tions, were corroborated by senior politicians and admired experts and ampliied by gullible media. These forecasts were also given credence because they accorded with a widely shared technology-centred perspective little inluenced by economics and sociology.
An examination of past foretelling is followed, in Chapter 7, by a look at current predictions. Each of these forecasts is for diferent reasons unconvincing. What seems instead to be happening is that the Internet is contributing to the decline and increased uniformity of old media journalism. This is not being ofset adequately by new web-based start-ups because, in most cases, these have been unable to generate suicient revenue to be self- supporting.
The underlying problem is that journalism as a whole — online and oline — is being partly decoupled from advertising funding. The third node of the book is concerned with media history. Media history has not made the impact on the interdisciplinary ield of media studies that it should have.
This is partly because media historians tend to address only themselves and subdivide media history by medium and period. As a consequence, the poten- tial of media history to illuminate the nature of the broad connections between media development and societal change has tended to be lost. For this reason, I had earlier attempted to summarise alternative interpretations of the role of the media in the making of modern British society with clear parallels to other economi- cally developed countries as a way of illustrating how history provides a gateway to understanding the present.
The liberal interpretation — celebrating the winning of media freedom and public empowerment, linked to the democratisation of the political system — is beginning to be modiied in response to radical criticism. The femi- nist interpretation, which argues that the development of the media empowered men at the expense of women, is responding to revisionists within its own ranks who emphasise that the media changed in response to the advance of women.
The radical tradition, which views the development of the media in terms of containing working-class advance and consolidating elite domination, is urged to take account of reformist success. The libertarian interpretation charting the culture wars between moral traditionalists and liberals in the context of de-Christianisation indicates that liberals in Britain have been gaining the upper hand though the outcome is clearly very diferent in some other countries.
The populist interpreta- tion that views the increased commercialisation of the media as a means of emanci- pation from a cultural elite, in a celebratory account of the growth of consumerism, remains inluential, though perhaps not the force that it was. By contrast, the tech- nological determinist interpretation, which sees successive new media as trans- forming the culture, social relations and sensibility of the age, has received a boost from the recent boom in Internet studies.
The standard interpretation argues that the British press became free when it ceased to be subject to punitive taxation in the mid-nineteenth century and hails the politicians who campaigned for this as freedom ighters albeit also with vested interests.
Buy now. Delivery included to Germany. James Curran editor , David Hesmondhalgh editor Sixth edition. Media and Society is an established textbook, popular worldwide for its insightful and accessible essays from leading international academics on the most pertinent issues in the media field today. With this updated edition, David Hesmondhalgh joins James Curran and a team of leading international scholars to speak to current issues relating to media and gender, media and democracy, sociology of news, the global internet, the political impact of the media, popular culture, the effects of digitisation on media industries, media and emotion, and other vital topics.
James Curran Media and Democracy Routledge
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E-mail: fsubtil escs. James W. Carey is renowned as the founder of critical cultural studies in the USeven though his theoretical approach to communication, journalism and the new media remains little known in the Portuguese academic world.
Стратмор подхватил ее и слегка обнял, пытаясь успокоить. - Ш-ш-ш, - утешал он. - Это. Теперь все в порядке. Сьюзан не могла унять дрожь. - Ком… мандер, - задыхаясь, пробормотала она, сбитая с толку.
Сьюзан колебалась недолго, потом кивнула Соши. Соши быстро удалила пробелы, но никакой ясности это не внесло. PFEESESNRETMMFHAIRWEOOIGMEENNRMА ENETSHASDCNSIIAAIEERBRNKFBLELODI Джабба взорвался: - Довольно. Игра закончена. Червь ползет с удвоенной скоростью. У нас осталось всего восемь минут.
Он утверждал, что стремление граждан к неприкосновенности частной переписки обернется для Америки большими неприятностями. Он доказывал, что кто-то должен присматривать за обществом, что взлом шифров агентством - вынужденная необходимость, залог мира. Но общественные организации типа Фонда электронных границ считали .
В ослепительной вспышке света коммандер Тревор Стратмор из человека превратился сначала в едва различимый силуэт, а затем в легенду. Взрывной волной Сьюзан внесло в кабинет Стратмора, и последним, что ей запомнилось, был обжигающий жар.